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THE 



■J 

Political Trinity of Despotism. 



A CHAPTER FROM 



VATICANISM UNMASKED; 



OR, 



ROMANISM IN THE UNITED STATES. 



BY 



A PURITAN OP THE NINETEENTH CENTUEY. 






£ 









CAMBRIDGE, MASS.: 
PUBLISHED BY THE PRINCIPIA CLUB. 

1876. 



INTRODUCTION. 



E 
. /V 



-so 



The following is taken from ft manuscript not yet pub- 
lished, entitled "Vaticanism Unmasked ; or Romanism 
in the United States, by a Puritan of the Nineteenth 
Century." In harmony with its title, the pamphlet is de- 
signed to disrobe the papal church of its ecclesiastical 
covering, and show to the world its political character as 
the essence of despotism. This is delineated from the most 
authentic histories of the last fifteen centuries, and shows 
the despotic and corrupt character of the institution we are 
tolerating and nursing in the bosom of this republic. In 
view of the efforts being made to capture the votes of the 
Freedmen, by first alluring them into the papal fold, the 
author has kindly consented that this chapter, particularly 
addressed to that class of voters, may be published separately 
and distributed among them, in the states more especially 
where they are in the majority or hold the balance of 
political power. The other chapters, addressed to protestant 
sects, will be published in due time. 

After the colored voters are fully informed of the con- 
spiracy to destroy the republican party and with it their 
liberties, if they choose to put their feet iu that trap they 
can do so. But if their liberties are dearer to them than a 
few cents per capita, of which they have been robbed by a 
half dozen genteel scoundrels in "Washington who ruined 
the Freedmen's Saving Bank, (which the government ought 
to restore) then let them hold on to their old friends and 
trust them to do justice in time to come as in time past. 

The writer makes no apology for lifting the clerical robes 
and revealing the naked deformity of the papal church as a 
political organization, for the information of four or five 
millions of emancipated people. It cannot be expected that 
the latter can begin with their a, b, c's, and learn the history 
of the former in as many years as it took centuries to make 
a character for that church. The Freedmen have once 
graduated in the patriarchal institution and have been loosed 
from the grasp of the slape power. God forbid that they 
should be transferred to the more despotic embrace of the 
papal power. 



TO THE FREEDMEN OF AMERICA. 



The political trinity of despotism. — The slave- 
ocracy. — The papacy. — The parental preroga- 
tive. — The public schools. — Untaxed church 

v property. — The auricular confessional. — The 
legitimate fruits of the combination. — The 

" S1 division of the spoils. — The freedmen's savings 
'bank. — The South the weakest point of prot- 
estantism. 

In 1872 when our mutual friend the late Hon. Charles 
Sumner went into the Greely movement, the writer declined 
to follow, and pointed out to him and his colored wards, in 
an open letter to each, the political elements that would 
eventually combine to overthrow the republican party, and 
also enumerated some of the things that would legitimately 
follow. These elements are natural allies, to wit : the 
democracy, slaveocracy, and the papacy, and when united 
constitute 

THE POLITICAL TRINITY OF DESPOTISM. 

We now be£ the Freedmen to note that this combination 
is practically consummated for the presidential campaign of 
1876. Let us examine each of the>e forces separately and 
learn if we can what claims, if any, either of them has to 
the votes and political support of the Freedmen of this 
republic. 

1. The Democracy. — The democratic party as now 
organized, judging by its own acts, is just about as much 
entitled to its assumed name as satan is to that of saint. 
Ignoring the significancy of its name, it has opposed the 
anti-slavery movement from the beginning, and after the 
republican party had, under God, abolished slavery, it 
opposed all the reconstruction measures adapted to benefit 
the Freedmen, and make our republic a democracy, and not 
an aristocracy of slaveholders as before. For a long series 
of years when the democratic party was in power, its un- 
blushing and boldly asserted fundamental principle was, u to 
the victors belong the spoils." In other words, give us the 



key to the money-chest of the nation and we will run the 
machine for our own and your benefit. 

2. The Slaveocracy. — We use this term for con-' 
venience. We mean to include in it the old slave oligarchy, 
which ruled Congress, and through it the country, up to the 
rebellion, and which represented all the slaveholders of the 
country. In the anti-slavery battle it was called the slave 
power. This was the power that wielded twenty-five votes 
in Congress on account of their slave property. These 
twenty-five votes decided every question of slavery against 
liberty, until the republican party, by the Proclamation of 
Emancipation by President Lincoln and the Amendments of 
the Constitution, wrenched them from the masters and put 
them into the hands of the Freedmen to whom they right- 
fully belong. 

Now will the Freedmen turn their backs upon their true 
and tried friends, and help into power their life long enemies? 
Is that the way to show their gratitude to their deliverers ? 
God forbid. Nor can we yet believe that they witt surren- 
der themselves to the papal power, where disobedience to 
the Vatican is a crime with a death penalty. 

3. The Papacy. — The Roman catholic church, which 
is really the frame-work of the democratic party has been a 
despotism for fifteen hundred years. It is an apostacy from 
the true church of Jesus Christ and His apostles. "It stole 
the livery of heaven to serve the devil in." Its character 
has never changed for the better, but it has grown worse 
and worse. Macauley calls her "superb and voluptuous — 
the sorceress of the golden cup and of the scarlet robe — 
the beast — the Antichrist — the man of sin — the mystical 
Jezebel — the mystical Babylon." It has opposed the anti- 
slavery movement as earnestly as did the democratic party, 
and if it could have had its own way every Freedman to-day 
would have been in chains, and slavery would have been 
extended over every foot of soil in these United States now 
dedicated to freedom. This was the meaning of the Pope's 
acknowledgement of the independence of the southern con- 
federacy, or it had no meaning at all. 



The Parental Prerogative. — Since writing the foregoing 
chapters materials have accumulated which seem to require 
some attention. We have already intimated that the 
Bible question in our common schools is only a stepping 
stone to more audacious claims by the papacy, but we were 
mistaken in supposing that they would wait until they had 
put the Bible entirely out of the schools before taking the 
next step in their programme. The reason of their haste 
is obvious enough. The "parental prerogative" as they term 
it, includes not only the Bible question in the common schools 
but also the school system itself, and consequently there is no 
need of haggling longer on the smaller question, if they can 
fasten the grappling irons of the Vatican upon the school 
system. This they can do by establishing the "parental 
prerogative" doctrine as understood in the Roman church. 
There is but one party, according to this doctrine, that has 
any rights and that party is the supreme Pontiff. The 
parent for whom supreme authority over the child is claimed 
without exception, is the cat's-paw in the hands of the Pope 
to pull the chestnuts out of the fire. Both the parent and 
child, belong to the Pope. The child has no rights, the 
state has no right to interfere, not even to protect the child, 
and the parent has the privilege to obey and lead his child 
into the papal fold where he can be taught the religion of 
Antichrist, but not the teachings of our common schools. 

The civil power of this country is not yet under the 
authority of Home, and consequently the common school 
system must be eliminated from it, that Rome may not be 
troubled with a power it cannot control as yet. The 
Syllabus Errorum promulgated by Pope Pius IX. in 1864 
expressly condemns all secular education "which is separated 
from the catholic faith and from the power of the church." 

President Grant was wise in calling the attention of the 
present Congress to the subject of education. Whether he 
had the said syllabus in Iris mind or not, it will do no harm 
to remind the American people that their liberties are in 
danger. The Roman hierarchs are raising a great howl 
over the American system of education, and claim that their 
poor people are taxed for the education of the rich pro- 
testants' children. But who pays the taxes from which 
State aid is derived ? Not the poor people who have nothing 



to levy taxes upon. If parents were taxed for their children 
instead of their property, the case might be different. But 
as it is, the boot is on the other leg. The "rich" pay for 
the education of the poor. The poor man with half a dozen 
or a dozen children pays a poll-tax of two dollars per annum. 
For this trivial sum, which he gets for a half a day or day's 
work, the State on its part gives him a ballot equal in 
political influence to the millionaire, and agrees to protect 
him in " the enjoyment of life, liberty and the pursuit of 
happiness." In this the State gets the worst end of the 
bargain. Nor is this all. The State gets abominably 
cheated, because it has to pay the bills for pauperism and 
crime, five-sixths of which is furnished by these same poor 
people, who are graduated from Eoman catholic institu- 
tions. And after all this the Roman hierarchy are not satis- 
fied. How much money do these poor people pay for 
educating the rich? Their surplus earnings go to their 
priests, but not a dollar to educate the children of wealthy 
protestants. 

But there is another matter in this connection, alluded 
to in the President's last annual message, to wit: the 
"untaxed church property." If this is an evil to be 
remedied by constitutional amendments in the nineteenth 
century, what may it not become in the twentieth ? Let us 
look into history and see what it has done for the old world, 
and we can better judge what it will do for the new. 

The accumulation of vast amounts of untaxed church 
property in the old world was begun in the fourth century, 
under the reign of Constantine the Great, who united 
church and state under one supreme head. The power to 
hold real estate was secured to the church in its own right ; 
after which the accumulations went on increasing for centu- 
ries, until that institution became the great savings-bank 
of the then civilized world, with more than half the wealth 
of Europe under its control. Once there, it was under the 
directorship of the Vatican. This vast money-power could 
make war or peace at pleasure, — withhold or dispense 
crowns, — put kings and emperors under tribute, — consti- 
tute them fiefs of the papal crown, — divorce queens, — 
pardon sins, and assume God's earthly prerogatives. 



The war between England and France, in the thirteenth 
century, lagged in consequence of the depleted exchequer 
of both Edward and Philip, caused by the flow of so large 
a portion of money into the treasury of the Church, instead 
of that of the State; and when these kings proposed that 
the Church should pay its fair proportion of war expenses 
for its own protection, Boniface VIII. interposed his 
bull from the Vatican. [See more particular account in 
chapter I.] 

Under the impetus of this money power the papal beast 
waxed fat and kicked. As an organization the Church had 
become a political machine of the most corrupt type. Its 
religion had become materialized, until it was all Pope and 
no Christ. Hence it was the work of the Reformation of 
the sixteenth century to revive and reproduce the primitive 
Christianity of the Jirst. A century later it was transplanted 
to this continent, where it erected its majestic edifice upon 
the foundation stones so laboriously hewn from the quarries 
of scripture by the reformers, and where it has stood the 
test of time for two hundred and fifty years. 

Under a republican form of government the nation has 
become one of immense wealth, too rich to escape the 
avarice of the papal power, and the great problem now is 
how to capture and hide it under the sacerdotal rubbish of 
the papal system. 

The question then comes home to the heart and hearth- 
stone of every protestant in these United States : shall the 
country to which protestantism fled from the persecutions 
of Antichrist in the old world be given up without a 
struggle ? Our forefathers came here to rid themselves of 
ecclesiastical despotism, and shall their sons ignore the 
foundations of civil liberty, and receive to their embrace 
the world-renowned enemy of both civil and religious 
liberty ? We have done this already too long for our 
safety. Our hospitality has been extended to the papal 
church and abused by the man of sin until forbearance is 
no longer a virtue. Self-preservation is next in order. The 
audacious claim that the Pope of Rome is the rightful 
sovereign of all the kingdoms of the earth, virtute clavorum 
— by virtue of the keys — and, consequently, an oath of 
allegiance to any protestant government is null and void* 



8 

and better broken than kept, should be repudiated by every 
American citizen. Let every papist be made to understand 
that the very condition of his civil rights and privileges 
is obedience to our government — that no pope, potentate, 
or king has a right here on any other condition. Our 
government made a fatal mistake in framing a special oath 
for conquered rebels. It is committing political suicide in 
appointing officers of the army and navy, and filling other 
offices of trust and power in the nation with papists who 
owe allegiance to a foreign power. Let as strong an oath 
of allegiance to this government as can be framed from the 
English language be required, instead of back-door and 
mental-reservation oaths, and then let those who refuse take 
the back seats forthwith. If this is not done, our liberties 
are a myth, and only await a union of these natural allies, 
under the name of the democratic party, to bury republic- 
anism beyond the possibility of resurrection. 

Before closing this chapter, we will introduce a witness 
who is a convert from the papal priesthood to Christianity. 
This witness, for many years a priest in Europe, and sub- 
sequently in this country, during the first half of this 
century, is supposed to know what he testifies to, and to 
give us the true character of the papal church in its " mod- 
ified form," as is claimed by its friends in this country. We 
cannot accuse him of using the English language to cover 
up and conceal crime, as is too much the fashion with the 
pulpit and the press of the present age. To debauchees 
and libertines he attaches the titles they have earned for 
themselves, though clothed in clerical robes — and to pros- 
titutes and adulteresses he gives the names they have volun- 
tarily assumed, whether under a white or black veil. 

The confessional is so important an element in the papal 
system, that we cannot complete our task of unmasking 
that system without an inside view of it. Every protestant 
voter in this republic should understand the true character 
of this institution we are tolerating and even nursing among 
us. Every protestant parent should be thoroughly posted 
in the morals of most of the teachers in the convent schools, 
which constitute the connecting link between popery and 
protestantism. 'Every daughter should be taught the nature 
and allurements of each successive step before she takes it. 



11 



to wit : the seventh commandment, delivered to Moses by 
God himself on Mount Sinai and has never since been 
repealed, except in the infallible papal church. 



THE LEGITIMATE FRUITS OF THE COMBINATION. 

Having dissected "the political trinity of despotism" and 

k examined each separately, let us consider the legitimate fruits 

of the combination ot these elements, in this American 
Republic. It does not require the spirit of prophecy to 
affirm that the horse will neigh, or that the lion will roar, 
or that the bull will bellow. It is the nature of these beasts 
to do so, and putting all into one fold will only develop their 
natures, not destroy them. So with the elements of despot- 
ism we find in our republic. Should we put the adminis- 
trative powers of the government into their hands for the 
next four or more years, some things will be as sure to 
follow as effect is to follow cause. Every tree will bear 
fruit of its kind. 

1. The late slave masters would claim pay for all the 
slaves emancipated by the late war. Not to pay their slaves 
for their lives of unrequited toil, for not one dime would 
they get, but to pay the master for their wicked investments 
in the bodies and souls of men. Of course the Freedmen 
would be taxed their share to pay this little bill ! Look at 
it ! ye voters. You have paid your masters for their^ in- 
vestments many times over in hard work, and your wives 
by their increase. But they are not satisfied until they get 
it again in hard cash from the United States treasury, of 
which you are among the proprietors. 

2. The second item for which this combination would be 
likely to clamor, is the issuing of United States bonds in 
exchange for Confederate bonds, and placing them both on 
the same level. This would be the same thing, in a round- 
about way, as paying the rebel war debt, or promising to 
pay it, without the slightest intention of ever redeeming the 

promise. 

3. The losses and destruction of property during the 
war, other than slave property, including Sherman's march 
■to the sea, The claims for losses are already shadowed 



12 

forth in the democratic House of Representatives as an 
entering- wedge to the whole. 

4. The fourth thing to be met, in case these powers 
combine and succeed, is the pensioning the rebel soldiers and 
placing them in the same category with our Union soldiers. 

The above four propositions, you will observe, are all in 
the interest of the first two elements of this political trinity. 
The last one, to wit: the papacy, must be provided for or the 
conspiracy fails ; for be it remembered that the Jirst thing to 
be done by the combination is to get full possession of the 
government, and the second is to divide the spoils so -as to 
satisfy the three factors. 

5. The fifth thing to be done then is to give the papal 
church the share of the spoils belonging to it. This is the 
lion's share, as the democracy will find out, after it is too 
late. The Vatican makes moderate demands at first, but 
the time will soon come when it will tolerate no partners in 
power. Its demands are .always in proportion to the power 
at command to enforce them. The Bible out of our com- 
mon schools — the school system itself under the control of 
papists — a liberal supply of public funds to papal institu- 
tions — untaxed church property — the police forces of all 
our largest cities under the control of the Roman priests — 
a large majority of the officers of the army and navy 
acknowledging supreme allegiance to a foreign potentate — 
the priests forming and drilling military companies in the 
papal churches — the building of the most expensive churches 
and cathedrals in our land, and especially at the South for 
colored voters and their families — these and other things are 
already in progress and only await a change of administra- 
tion to be consummated. 

But the papal church will not wait the slow process of 
political action. It has already a commission on its way to 
Europe to employ papal teachers to come over to this 
country and reap the fields already white for the harvest. 
We have, moreover, seen that the Pope expressly condemns 
all secular education " which is separated from the Catholic 
faith and from the tower of the church." Their chil- 
dren must be trained to know nothing but the CHURCH. 

Let us now for a moment glance at the situation. These 
paragons of despotism tried the sword and failed. Instead 



13 

of capturing the government, they lost slavery. Now they 
are trying another plan, and they are far advanced in its 
execution. Our mistaken politicians have relieved most of 
the ex-rebels of their political disabilities, and, as a reward, 
the -latter are sent to Congress to make laws for the nation ! 
They have a majority already in the popular branch, and 
the Union soldiers have had to give place to ex-rebels, who 
have been conquered but not subdued. This is only a straw 
which shows the way of the wind, but the political tornado 
which is to sweep over the country under democratic rule, 
for which they are now intriguing, will sweep every repub- 
lican out of office, every colored American into slavery, and 
saddle a national debt upon posterity which will foot up 
nearer ten thousand millions than two. If any man, colored 
or white, contemplates voting a democratic ticket next Fall, 
let him consider seriously the responsibility he incurs by 
depositing his sovereignty in the hands of such a combina- 
tion for the next four years. 

The things in embryo we have enumerated may not be 
demanded in the same order we have recorded them. 
Probably they will not. The smaller ones which require 
congressional action will be brought forward to pave the 
way for the larger. Indeed, some of them are already 
before Congress, and a strong lobby pressure is brought to 
bear upon the ex-rebel members. The fact that the repub- 
licans have yet a majority in the Senate may save the 
country at least $100,000,000 this session. The majority 
of the democratic House clamor for a reduction of expenses 
of some $40,000,000 — but put in Southern claims of five 
times that amount. 

But there is another thing of which we may be sure. If 
this corrupt combination should succeed in controlling the 
money chest of the nation for the next four years, and if 
they succeed in paying off the claims we have enumerated 
above, by which our national debt would be quadrupled at 
least, if not quintupled, then that would be the point of 
repudiation. It would be the acme of the democratic 
edifice, "to the victors belong the spoils," and the national 
debt might follow the "niggers" and the constitution to the 
devil. It would not matter a picayune who occupied the 
presidential chair. The party would rule him if he were 
the angel Gabriel, and the pope would rule the party. 



14 

Let us not forget that the papal church of America is the 
ground work of the democratic party, and that its head is 
in Rome. Eliminate from that party the papal element, 
and the remainder would not constitute a political factor 
worth mentioning. 

Let us not forget in the second place, that said church is 
pushing for political power in this country, and has cun- 
ningly allied itself with this party in which are concentrated 
all the elements most hostile to our liberties. The banns 
were duly solemnized at the national democratic convention, 
recently held at St. Louis, where a representative of the 
Vatican officiated as chaplain. 

Let us not forget in the last place that our greatest point 
of danger is in the Southern States, once the seat of the 
slave r power, but now the objective point of the papal power, 
for tho destruction of the republic and the substitution of a 
papal despotism. Beware of this political trinity of des- 
potism, and send all corrupt politicians, of whichever party, 
to the rear. Nor should we ignore the fact that the repub- 
lican party is honeycombed with military men demoralized 
by the very war that emancipated the slave. But let it 
reform and live, or cling to the ring rascals and die. 

Judging from its doings at the late Cincinnati convention 
it is on the straight road to reformation. Unlike the demo- 
cratic party, it has, in the past, paid some attention to its 
professions, and we have a right to expect, nay, demand 
fidelity to republican liberty, from the fact that it is chiefly 
made up of protestants. And this brings us to the great 
question, what are protestant republicans doing to meet the 
encroachments of papal despotism? The papal forces are 
concentrating their power on our weakest point, which we 
have already said is the South, where the danger lies. 

The protestant forces, with the exception of a half manned 
and half endowed missionary society or two, "are busy here 
and there," suffering the chief point of attack to be exposed. 
New England is well provided with schools, colleges, and 
churches, the great West is partially so, but the South is to- 
day suffering criminal neglect. If the general of an army 
should thus conduct a campaign he would be immediately 
cashiered and sent to the rear. We would ask with all 
deference to the faithfulness of these struggling societies, 



15 

what headway can they be expected to make against the 
combined forces of the sham-democracy, the old slave 
oligarchy, and the corrupt papacy, all sandwiched with 
intemperance, licentiousness, profanity, murder, disloyalty, 
ignorance, infidelity, lawlessness, and the like. The Freed- 
men can do much towards maintaining their liberties, by 
voting for the republican party, but the churches can do 
more by infusing into it those stern old puritan principles 
which harmonized voting and praying, principles which 
never would admit a christian citizen to pray for good rulers 
and vote for bad ones. 

Let us now review the whole question, and see what is to 
be done. The papal church, as an organization, is a unit 
which embraces both continents. Where a great battle is to 
be fought it has the wisdom to mass its forces at the weakest 
point of its antagonist, and use such political instruments as 
it can command. In this country the weakest point is the 
late slave states, and its political machine, the democratic 
party. Despotism is cunning enough to nominate its figure- 
heads, with which to catch votes, from the ranks of its 
adversaries, and cry reform ! reform ! before election, which 
means nothing of the kind after the close of the polls. 

On the other hand, protestantism and republicanism are 
twin cherries of the same stock. Their principles are in 
harmony, but their forces are scattered. Protestants are 
divided into sects, but unlike the divisions of an army, they 
have no head. Each division fights on its own hook, with- 
out concert of action, and when attacked by a well-organized 
enemy, its defeat is all but certain. 

Look at our weakest point, in the South. Protestantism 
has a few missionary societies, half endowed, half manned, 
half supported — 'Struggling for very life, while its political 
ally is busy here and there with railroad schemes, Freed- 
men's National Banks, and such like financial swindles. 
Now let the national government deal justly with the 
depositors in the late Freedmen's Bank, and pay them back 
their money, with interest, whether they can recover it from 
the thieves that stole it or not. Let the republican party 
pledge itself to this measure and send its corrupt politicians 
to the rear. Then it may save the Freedmen's votes, but 
not till then. Let protestantism back the party, and the 
work is done. 



16 

One word more in regard to the Freedmen's Savings 
Bank and we are done. While it was located in New 
York under its original charter, with a Board of Directors 
of honest men, its business appears to have been conducted 
strictly in accordance with mercantile honor. But after its 
removal to Washington, it was manipulated by a ring of 
rascals, its charter amended by Congress, to suit the ring, 
which amendments opened the doors to corruption and made 
easy the stealing of its funds. Some fifty odd millions of 
their deposits have been paid back to the depositors, but 
when the ring at Washington had brought the institution to 
bankruptcy, about three millions of the money of the Freed- 
men still remained on deposit. Now then we say it is the 
plain duty of the United States government to see every 
dollar of this money paid to the depositors with interest, no 
matter how much or how little it can get out of the assets of 
the bank or the rascals. By amending the charter as it did. 
Congress made the government morally, if not legally re- 
sponsible to the depositors. 

Since the above was written a new development of papal 
despotism has appeared in St. Mary's Church, Cambridge- 
port, Mass. The autocrat of that pulpit issued an edict 
that no fans should be brought into the church, and placed 
a guard at the door to enforce it. One pew-holder, more 
jealous of his rights than the rest, refused obedience, took 
his seat as usual, ladies, fans and all ; and refusing a second 
time to deliver up the obnoxious article, was seized by the 
pious fraud, who descended from the pulpit for the purpose. 
The pew being more than a match for the pulpit in a hand 
to hand fight, the latter called for assistance, which was 
rendered, and the offender, after a hard struggle, was put- 
out of the church. In this melee the priest of course did 
not act in the official capacity of spiritual advisor, after he 
came down from the pulpit, but as captain of the military 
company he had organized ; although in his haste he forgot 
to put off his clerical robes and put on his military costume. 



\Kgr~ Orders for this tract should bo addressed to the "Pmn- 
CIPIA Club, box 104, Cambridge, Mass.*' Price, $5,00 per 
hundred, or $00,00 per thousand. 



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